On Sept. 1, a bill with the pithy title “An Act Relating to State Preemption of and the Effect of Certain State or Federal Law on Certain Municipal and County Regulation” will take effect in Texas. The bill —signed into law by Gov. Greg Abbott in June—was given a much zippier name by its opponents: “Death Star,” because it could obliterate whole swaths of city and county laws and regulations.
“Basically, it’s the greatest transfer of power away from the public and into the hands of a few people in Austin that we’ve ever seen,” said Texas state Rep. John Bryant. “This handful of people that want to control our state do not want cities acting in their own interests. They do not want any city making policies that get in the way of their ideological and financial objectives.” Maybe Bryant and other Death Star critics are right—but we’ll know how big the transfer of power truly is only after everyone figures out what the bill actually says and does, and only if it survives the legal challenges several of Texas’ biggest cities have already filed against it.
The goal of Death Star is simple. The deeply conservative Texas Legislature wants to effectively deny cities—the state’s large Democratic-leaning cities, Houston, San Antonio, and Austin in particular—the ability to pass local laws and regulations in eight major policy areas: agriculture, business and commerce, finance, insurance, labor, natural resource law, occupational law, and property law. And it does all this in a bill that is 10 single-spaced pages long, nearly one page of which is legislative findings, not actual law. Which is where the problems begin.
Death Star does not aim to affirmatively lay out regulations at the state level; it simply attempts to thwart local regulations. Thus, the entirely of the provision that denies local governments the ability to regulate the insurance industry is just this: “Unless expressly authorized by another statute, a municipality or county may not adopt, enforce, or maintain an ordinance, order, or rule regulating conduct in a field of regulation that is occupied by a provision of this code. An ordinance, order, or rule that violates this section is void, unenforceable, and inconsistent with this code.” That’s it. It then repeats this language across all the various other fields, although in a few cases it adds an extra clause or two to identify specific subfields it really wants to make sure are preempted.
Problematically, as the city of Houston points out in the lawsuit it filed last month challenging Death Star as violating the Texas Constitution, these provisions lack any clarity. The new law, for example, never defines what it means for state law to “occup[y] a provision of this code” outside of the few explicit provisions noted above, making it very hard for cities to know what regulations are at risk. Houston has argued that it is unconstitutionally vague and that the Texas Constitution and state Supreme Court decisions have made this sort of “field preemption”—in which the state does not replace local law with a state alternative but simply declares whole areas ineligible for local rule making—unconstitutional under Texas law. San Antonio joined the lawsuit late last month.
The sweeping language of Death Star is likely seen more as a feature than a bug by the bill’s drafter, state Rep. Dustin Burrows, who all but brags that it is going to fall to the courts to decide what regulations are actually preempted. Importantly, the bill contains a provision that allows any individual or trade association to challenge any local regulation in court—and, if they prevail, requires the county or city to pay all the challenger’s costs and “reasonable” legal fees. Those who challenge a regulation and lose have to pay those costs only if the court finds the challenge “frivolous,” leaving the city to pay its own costs (though not those of the challenger) if it wins cases the courts see as non-frivolous. So, county and city governments assume financial risk if they attempt to defend a regulation and clarify Death Star’s reach.
e; added bolding (which wasn't in the original) and italicization (which was)
Even if I agreed with this law, which I don’t, it doesn’t make logical sense. Democratic cities make the money that fund rural areas. Destroy them, and we all suffer. Kansas already did this. The inability to think long-term is pervasive.
That's because they don't care about the long-term. Most of the ones passing this kind of legislation are over 50 and know they probably won't live more than 50 more years. As long as whatever they do doesn't negatively impact them anytime in the next 50 years and they get any benefit from it now they don't care. The executives pushing for these kinds of policies also don't care for the same reason, they're just trying to strip-mine whatever corporation they're currently infesting before they move on to the next one.
As for the rural voters that support these politicians they're so deeply in denial about everything and so massively ignorant of how their own states economies function they don't realize how badly these policies will hurt them.
They're dismantling everything that stands in their way now because the writing is on the wall for them in the long term politically and ideologically. They are losing, they only maintain power through gerrymandering and even that can't last forever.
More like short term. They care about whatever money they can get right NOW. Doesn't matter for the future because then they'll just think of others ways to screw over others to get another burst of money for their accounts.
That’s the thing that gets me though. Long term their bank accounts will shrink because they destroyed the economy. Can’t buy things when the money is worthless. Is it spite?
This is the same way they worded the abortion bill. Completely vague.
The problem is that when women took the law to court to, not even overturn the bill, but just to clarify the language and situations in which the bill applies (concerning medical emergencies), the texas ag office immediately stayed the courts ruiling that doctors could use "good faith judgement," kicking the can further down the road till next year.
The state claims that the law is explict in these situations and that the doctors are at fault for misinterpretating it, which is BS. The language is vague and they want to make sure it stays that way so they can apply it at whim.
The ones that get into office are often (not always) intelligent. This law is clever in that it can be wielded at enemies very effectively. Their voters are stupid af for electing them.
Man, the repugnicans really hate democracy. Seems like they are trying to do everything they can to solidify power before the youth vote boots them out.
Idaho does this with at least minimum wage. County and city governments can't set higher minimum than the state minimum (which is conveniently set at the federal minimum because Idaho).
This is a big problem in the Palouse area because it borders Washington, so people commute for higher wage. Meanwhile people who can't (read: teens, disabled, old people) are stuck working for local min wage in an area where cost of living reflects Washington min wage, or move and take their experience with them.
Yep, In areas close to WA like Coeur D'alene the wages are the same. They can't get people unless they pay more. The Oregon border has the same effect ($14.20/hr minimum).
Farmers are also having to pay more for field workers because they will migrate to higher paying jobs in other states. Many guys are $20-23/hr and still not able to get labor. Not when the warehouses, processors, and dairies are paying $23-26/hr with benefits.
There is huge pressure for the expansion of the H-2A program to fill this gap. I actually have heard farmers asking for revision to this program so they can sponsor workers for greencards. I never thought that would happen.